... Fidel V. Ramos and Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. The wait is periodically interrupted by a loudspeaker announcement calling for an individual to report to some office. As president, he restored economic growth and stability in the country, even during the Asian Financial Crisis in 1997. In sum, our neoliberal technocrats were dazzled to the point of envy by our neighbors’ performance, but they did not correctly identify the reason for this. How the Asian miracle was interpreted by the neoliberals It is worthwhile to note how the rise of our neighboring economies was interpreted by neoliberals in the Philippines since this shows the ideological and mystifying character of neoliberalism. I missed the moment. And when they took them away, they never come back.”. When I was in prison, I’d spend each day waiting to see who they would take away. To most Filipinos, Marcos was the cause of both crises. He was offering the Cuban people, who at the time were suffering under a dictatorship, democracy and freedom. Jump to navigation Jump to search. Ronnie Ramos. The centerpiece of the neoliberal program during this period was tariff liberalization:  Executive Order 264 committed the Philippines to bringing down tariffs on all but a few sensitive products to 1 to 5 per cent by 2004. The other man was taken away. Those feelings collided when the plane was in the air and we knew we had gotten out. While some liberalization was going on in our neighbors’ economies, it was selective liberalization pursued in the context of strategic protectionism driven by the state, the objective of which was to deepen the industrial structure. La cabaña, a 17th century fort, dominated the landscape. To have my kids see Cuba. Fidel Valdez ramos on 8 August 1967, the five ‘founding fathers’ – Adam Malik of Indonesia, Narciso R. Ramos of the Philippines, Tun Abdul Razak of Malaysia, S. Rajaratnam of Singapore, and Thanat Khoman of Thailand – got together at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs building in Bangkok and signed a historic The mainstream is pushing for liberalization.”[7]  That player would herself become president in 2001. When we got back to the United States, everyone asked me what I thought of Cuba. “It’s the dominant sector,” one player put it. It was an experience. ... “Because he is the symbol that represents the ideology that has destroyed and changed the Cuban culture. Third, there were simply no credible alternatives to neoliberalism. "We don't have a sense of community. HAVANA (Dec. 2015) — We walked down the street where my father grew up, toward the house where he was raised. 8293 or Section 176 of the Intellectual Property Code of the Philippines ). From Indianapolis, I watched the news and those Facebook videos. (This paper was delivered at the plenary session of the 2009 National Conference of the Philippine Sociological Society held at the PSSC Building, on Oct. 16, 2009. Civil society groups as well as local industry lobbies such as the Free Trade Alliance (FTA) were central in the discrediting of neoliberal doctrine. From Wikisource. She said would have promoted the sense of community among Filipinos if she became President. The administration also moved to ensure that liberalization would be hard to reverse by succeeding regimes by multilateralizing it, that is make the Philippines party to international agreements requiring it to eliminate quotas and keep tariffs low permanently. In the aftermath of the recent financial crisis, this extreme formalization and mathematization of the discipline has come under criticism from within the economics profession itself, with some contending that methodology rather than substance has become the end of economic practice, with the discipline as a result, losing its contact with real world trends and problems. It was former president Fidel Ramos who practically made it a national policy. My father again got quiet. So there’s a confluence of policy direction.”[5]  Another figure stressed the emergence of a broader “consensus” among the elite and the middle class around free-market reform: “[No] policy reform becomes credible, workable policies unless the people accepted [them]. Castro became a symbol of communist revolution in Latin America. You’d be able to see and hear it. [8] Fair Trade Alliance, Stop De-industrialization: Recalibrate Philippine Tariffs Now (Manila: Fair Trade Alliance, 2003), p. Nothing worked, so you have to start a new life.”. 281. “For me there are two very awful things. [2] Jesus Estanislao, interviewed by Marco Mezzera, Nov. 13, 1996. ★★★ Correct answer to the question: Ideology about fidel ramos - edu-answer.com I ask him what he thought about the trip, about seeing the house where he grew up, his high school — the same one Castro attended — that was turned into a military school. It was all a lie. When I was a young reporter at the Miami Herald, rumors of Castro’s death regularly surfaced. The model for Cielito Habito, the secretary of the National Economic Development Authority who was the brains behind this enterprise, was the radical neoliberal tariff reforms conducted in Chile under the dictator August Pinochet, which had brought tariffs to 11 per cent or under. What did you think and feel when you left Cuba? Ramos asked me many questions about America, from politics to ideology, to Barack Obama to his time in West Point, living in Pennsylvania at Valley Forge and much much more. Santiago lost to Ramos by less than 1 million votes. Initially, we hoped that from Miami we will be able to help more the cause of freeing Cuba. On 30 June 1992 Fidel Ramos succeeded Corazon Aquino as president of the Philippines with a plurality of 23.6%. Outside, a man was working. [9] Quoted in Eric Boras, “Government Loses P120 Billion to Tariff Cuts,” Business World, Oct. 20, 2003. [8] The verdict on over two decades of liberalization was perhaps most cogently delivered by then Finance Secretary Isidro Camacho, Jr., in 2003:  “There’s an uneven implementation of trade liberalization, which was to our disadvantage.”[9] While consumers may have benefited from tariff cuts, he asserted, tariff reform “has killed so many local industries.”[10]  In other countries, the loss of the local industrial base has often been countered by neoliberals by citing improvements in consumer welfare. The direct assault on the Keynesian state as the source of inefficiency, which was the most prominent feature of Thatcherism and Reaganism, was a subsdiary element in the case made for market freedom. Another key center of emergent neoliberalism was the University of the Philippines School of Economics, which had drafted the extremely influential anti-Marcos White Paper on the Philippine economy in 1985. The ideology serves as collective, unifying, and guiding force that freed the nation from colonial rule. My father is worried the government authorities have connected him to his imprisonment 50-plus years ago and will call for him. On March 28, 1993 , President Fidel V. Ramos issued Executive Order No.75 entitled “Creating the National Heroes Committee Under the Office of the President”. My father assumes his identity was mixed up with the other man — he was interrogated for days about the other man’s information. The challenges posed by star economists like Paul Krugman, Joseph Stiglitz, and Dani Rodrik continue to be made within the confines of neoclassical economics, with its equation of social welfare with the reduction of the unit cost of production. [13] Robert Skidelsky, John Maynard Keynes: the Economist as Savior (London: Penguin Books, 1992). [5]Quoted in Jenina Joy Chavez, Shaping the Philippine Political Economy: the Role of Neoclassical Activists (Manila: Mode, 1996), p. Owing to its compliance with the World Trade Organization’s Agreement in Agriculture, the Philippines was turned from a net food exporting country to a net food importing country from the mid-1990’s on. Capital expenditures as a percentage of the government budget came to 47 per cent in Indonesia, while Thailand hiked the figure from 23 to 33 per cent. In short, the neoliberal perspective triumphed by default, and this absence of credible alternatives domestically was complemented by four developments internationally:  the collapse of centralized socialism in Eastern Europe, which seemed to deliver the coup d’grace to the socialist alternative; the crisis of the Swedish social democratic model; the seeming success of the Reagan and Thatcher Revolutions in revitalizing the American and British economies; and the rise of the East Asian newly industrializing countries. Sitting at the rooftop bar of a famous Havana hotel, one where novelist Ernest Hemingway stayed, I noticed my father’s distant gaze. Instead, we talked about Castro’s death. My father stayed home and didn’t take to the streets to celebrate. She was often criticized for her appointments of relatives to lucrative governmental and industrial positions while she held the posts of governor of Metropolitan Manila (1975–86) and minister of human settlements and ecology (1979–86). 16. “It’s the president, it’s his chief economic advisers, both formal and informal; the House of Representatives; the Senate—the mainstream. That symbol is gone.”. Ideology and Goals. All four had an impact on the thinking of the middle class and the elites, which are, incidentally, called the “chattering classes” because of their central discursive role in legitimizing social and political perspectives. In contrast, in the Philippines, Aquino’s technocrats pushed down capital expenditures as a proportion of the national budget from 26 to 16 per cent. Ramos had served as the head of the Philippine constabulary under the Marcos dictatorship, and then as chief-of-staff of the armed forces and Minister of … The measure, which made it a crime to be a member of the Communist Party of the Philippines, was repealed in 1992 during the administration of former President Fidel Ramos … As Jesus Estanislao put it, “Government take very good care of macroeconomic balances, takes care of a number of activities like, for example, infrastructure building, and leaves everything else to the private sector. Because after the Bay of Pigs invasion failed, there was nothing we could do in Cuba to fight against the government. Castro’s death and visiting Cuba. “Yes. As late as the latter half of the 1970’s, Keynesian economics, which promoted a good dose of state intervention as necessary for stability and steady growth, was the orthodoxy. [11] Why this continuing invocation of neoliberal mantras when the promises of neoliberalism have been contradicted at almost every turn by reality? For more than 40 years, TNI has served as a unique nexus between social movements, engaged scholars and policy makers. Fidel Ramos, in full Fidel Valdez Ramos, byname Eddie Ramos, (born March 18, 1928, Lingayen, Phil. ... when the Anti-Subversion Law was repealed during the Fidel Ramos administration. Actually, a political party is a well-organized group of people with the same ideology and political positions, fielding candidates during elections, which are held every three years in the country. The answer, for this son of a Cuban man imprisoned by Castro, is a complicated one. An Essay of His Excellency Fidel V. Ramos President of the Philippines For Asiaweek [Released on January 20, 1995] ... tradition and ideology. It is seen as the biggest obstacle to development and sustained economic growth. There is nothing like the challenge that Keynesian economics posed to market fundamentalism during the Great Depression. “Imposed, maybe in one way, but on the other hand, the mainstream decision-makers—[the] technocracy and policymakers—also internally believed in that. Nevertheless, it continues to exercise a strong influence on our economists and economic managers. So isolated is the Fund that one of its most loyal apprentices, former Philippine President Fidel Ramos, has felt compelled to declare that the standard IMF prescription no longer works. As his biographer Robert Skidelsky notes,  Keynes was “famously skeptical about econometrics,” with numbers for him being “simply clues, triggers for the imagination,” rather than the expressions of certainties or probabilities of past and future events. He was arrested at another man’s house, a man arrested the day before. The administration of President Fidel Ramos saw neoliberalism at its most doctrinaire and most influential phase. It was during the Aquino period that neoliberal economics started its rise to  ideological ascendancy. This past weekend, you could see and hear it throughout Miami. Fidel Ramos' Inaugural Address. But he’s not sure he would do it again. The second one is the astronomical number of people he killed and the unknown thousands who have died trying to escape his oppression and are at the bottom of the ocean.”. In what used to be known as the Third World, developmentalism, which specified Keynesian economics to economies that were still insufficiently penetrated and transformed by capitalism, was the dominant approach. What do you think of Fidel Castro’s death? [3] See Chaopath Sasakul, Lessons from the World Bank’s Experience of Structural Adjustment Loans (SALs): A Case Study of Thailand (Bangkok: Thailand Development Research Institute, 1992), p. 19; and Narongchai Akrasanee, David Dapice, and Frank Flatters, Thailand’s Export-led Growth: Retrospect and Prospects (Bangkok: Thailand Development Research Institute, 1991), p. Cuban-American journalist Paola Ramos wrote in Vogue magazine: "I come from a family of Cuban exiles and grew up around dinner tables that discussed the crumbling of Fidel Castro's regime - … He ingrained the doctrine so much into the ruling class’ consciousness that the capture of even our key telecommunications industries by “global” companies like Hong Kong’s First Pacific Co. Ltd. and Singapore’s Temasek Holdings Pvt. He was released after four days and soon left for Miami. For many Filipinos, and not only in the discourse setting middle class, the corrupt state--and not the relations of inequality spawned by the market and the erosion of national economic interests brought about by the liberalization of trade and capital markets--continues to be the main block to the greater good. [4] See, among others, Richard Doner, “Domestic Coalitions and Japanese Auto Firms in Southeast Asia,” Dissertation, University of California at Berkeley, 1987, pp. I stared at him, at someone who might have been me and at my life had there been no Fidel Castro. Of everything Fidel did, what was the worst? There is a third, related reason, and this is what I would like conclude this discussion with. Consequences of the Asian financial crisis This illusion was punctured by the Asian financial crisis of 1997. INQUIRER.net / 11:06 PM June 13, 2016. Another man, his son, walked out of the house and said hello. Fidel V. Ramos was the chief-of-staff of the Armed Forces of the Philippines before he became president. A number did their post-graduate stint in the staffs of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, including Ramos’ Finance Minister Roberto de Ocampo. In 1960, my father organized clandestine meetings with rebels conspiring to overthrow Castro. Structural adjustment helped trigger the economic crisis of the early 1980’s, its contractionary effects being magnified by the onset of the global recession. He is the symbol of a revolution. As one pivotal figure pointed out to Focus on the Global South analyst Joy Chavez,  she and her colleagues  who played prominent roles of the country’s free-market turn acted not only out of external pressure from the World Bank and the IMF but also out of belief. The repression was so brutal. 17. 511-596. Neoliberalism in recent times has become identified with economics, given its hegemony as a paradigm within the discipline, that is, its excluding other perspectives as legitimate ways of doing economics. As financial panic triggered by the massive devaluation of the Thai baht spread in June 1997, some $4.6 billion in speculative funds left the Philippines, unhindered by capital controls, which the neoliberal administration had eliminated. In September 1992 Ramos signed the Anti-Subversion Law signaling a peaceful resolution to more than 20 years of Communist insurgency, with the repeal of … It isn’t so much what you think as something you experience. This paper seeks to shed light on how an ideology achieves hegemony, how this hegemony is maintained, and what happens when the claims of an ideology are contradicted by reality. Both converged at a common point that the country is suffering from poverty in material Despite its obvious shortcomings, it continues to be the default discourse in these circles. “Se murio Fidel.” Fidel died. He is the first, and so far the only, non-Catholic president of the Philippines. I never see them come back. Then, after the EDSA Uprising, the articulation of an alternative was derailed by the left’s preoccupation with the consequences of its failure to participate in the final act of the ouster of Marcos. In addition to radical tariff liberalization, the foreign investment regime was liberalized, banking rules were loosened to allow more foreign banks to set up operations in the country, and the capital account was almost fully liberalized to attract speculative investors by making the peso fully convertible, allowing the full and immediate utilization of profits, and the full utilization of foreign currency accounts. My mother texted me at exactly 2 a.m., hours after the news broke on that Saturday night. The administration of President Fidel Ramos saw neoliberalism at its most doctrinaire and most influential phase. The apogee of neoliberalism Ideas, unfortunately, do have consequences, and perhaps no development illustrates this more than the effort to make the Philippines a NIC  (“newly industrializing country” by the year 2000, as the slogan went, via globalization: that is, the accelerated integration of the Philippines into the global market and production circuits through radical trade and investment liberalization. And we have the same name, so what if they call him, or me? For instance, a government review committee constituted under Executive Order 241 raised tariffs on 627 of 1371 locally produced goods to provide relief to industries suffering from import competition. Indeed, this staff—working closely with civil society groups--provided, along with the Indonesian government, the leadership of the Group of 33 at the WTO, which sought to protect the livelihoods of small farmers by exempting key products from substantial tariffs cuts and instituting mechanisms to allow governments to raise tariffs under certain conditions. It provided closure. My Facebook feed blew up with photos and videos of friends I grew up with, all of them celebrating. Ideology, Aims, Political Activities, Targets, and Tactics . I missed Miami, my hometown. )Notes[1] Charles Lindsay, “the Political Economy of Economic Policy Reform in the Philippines: Continuity and Restoration,” in Andrew McIntyre and Kanishka Jayasuriya, eds., The Dynamics of Economic Policy Reform in the Philippines (Singapore: Oxford University Press, 1992). That was all. The election of Fidel Ramos to the presidency in May, 1992 seemed to foreshadow even greater militarization of Philippine politics. This located the economic troubles of the country in what had come to be known as “crony capitalism,” or the use of state agencies to advance the private interests of a few close associates of the dictator. The 88-year-old author, Fidel V. Ramos, a former president of the Philippines (1992-1998) has been appointed by the incumbent Rodrigo Duterte as his country’s "special envoy to China," to "break the ice" in the South China Sea, following a territorial dispute. “Because he is the symbol that represents the ideology that has destroyed and changed the Cuban culture. There was a conservative brand of developmentalism and there was a progressive one, but both saw the state, rather than the market, as the central mechanism of development. Sitting in the airport, waiting to leave Havana after our trip this past December, was the only time I was scared. Lakas–CMD (Lakas–Christian Muslim Democrats) is a center-right political party in the Philippines, influenced by Christian democracy and Islamic democracy.The current party originated in 2009 with the merger of the original Lakas–CMD party with the Kabalikat ng Malayang Pilipino (KAMPI); it was known as Lakas Kampi CMD until 2012. Today, I say the same thing about Castro’s death. [13] Getting over neoliberalism, in short, will involve getting beyond the worship of numbers that often act as a shroud to the real, beyond the scientism that masks itself as science. Your California Privacy Rights/Privacy Policy. If you knew then, when you left, that you’d be gone for 55 years, would you still have left? Thus, the Philippines joined the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA), with its Common Effective Preferential Tariff (CEPT) program. 1994 State of the Nation Address Third SONA of President Fidel Ramos Batasang Pambansa Complex, Quezon City | July 25, 1994 56th SONA since its first inclusion in the 1935 Constitution ADVERTISEMENT Sa nakalipas na dalawang taon, malayo na ang ating narating—na magkasama—tungo sa ating nagkakaisang pangarap na mabuting buhay para sa lahat ng mga Pilipino sa pagsapit ng […] Ramos: Fidel Castro, my father and a complicated history. This Committee is to study, evaluate and recommend Filipino national personages or heroes in due recognition of their sterling character and remarkable achievements for the country. These included economist Bernie Villegas and Cory Aquino’s secretary of finance Jesus Estanislao. Tags: Fidel V. Ramos. And that is exactly what Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia, and Thailand have done, and that is what the Philippines is doing, and we are beginning to do it.”[2] The reality, however, was that while it is true that in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand, the state may have played a less aggressive role than in Korea and Taiwan, an activist state posture—manifested in industrial policy, protectionism, mercantilism, and intrusive regulation—was central in the drive to industrialize. It opened up the paradigm to critical challenges, and these challenges from civil society organizations became even stronger as the evidence of the negative impact of the neoliberal approach emerged. Second, despite the deep crisis of neoliberalism, there has been no credible alternative paradigm or discourse that has emerged, either locally or internationally. Opposition Senator Francis Pangilinan noted the economic development in Mindanao when then President Fidel Ramos pursued aggressive peace negotiations with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, the Moro National Liberation Front, the Communist Party of the Philippines and even the Reform the Armed Forces Movement during the early and mid-90s. He was generally regarded as one of the most effective presidents in that nation’s history. He says he’s glad he came back. ), military leader and politician who was president of the Philippines from 1992 to 1998. What we might call the “neoclassification” of the Philippine technocracy that became so marked under Ramos did not so much exhibit the character of an intellectual coup as that of a gradual takeover of the strategic heights of the technocracy by free market-oriented policymakers coming from academia, government, and business, many of whom had done graduate work in the 1970’s and 1980’s in the United States and Britain, when state-oriented Keynesianism had lost its luster and neoliberalism had come into vogue in the economics departments of US universities. Since economics is regarded in many quarters as a hard science, much like physics—being, for instance, the only social science for which there is a Nobel Prize—neoliberalism has had a tremendous and pervasive influence not only in academic circles but in policy circles as well. For instance, the international policy staff at the Department of Agriculture has successfully led opposition to further liberalization of agricultural trade at the WTO. Lakas ng Tao was formed in December 1991 for the 1992 elections as retired General, then-Defense Secretary, Fidel V. Ramos and former Cebu Governor Emilio Mario R. Osmeña were running for president and vice-president respectively. The economy grew by an average of 4 per cent during the Ramos period, mainly because after the depressed Aquino years, there was no place to go but up. Second, the analysis forwarded by these intellectuals was in synch with the popular mood. 9. This paper seeks to shed light on how an ideology achieves hegemony, how this hegemony is maintained, and what happens when the claims of an ideology are contradicted by reality. I said sure and walked over to the windows of the bayfront Herald building and looked north toward Little Havana. Joy, relief, sadness, wonder over what my life would have been. First of all, it was associated with several high-powered activist intellectuals and technocrats close to the Aquino administration who had been greatly influenced by the Reagan and Thatcher free-market experiments in the United States and Britain. More important, the Philippines joined the World Trade Organization in 1995, a move which required revising a whole slew of laws governing trade, investment, and intellectual property rights to make the our legal code “WTO-consistent.” The economy grew by an average of 4 per cent during the Ramos period, mainly because after the depressed Aquino years, there was no place to go but up. “It’s such a strange experience,” he said. However, the role played by certain government bodies must not be underestimated. Nevertheless, there was a feeling among sectors of the middle class that it was the reforms of the Ramos administration that accounted for the upward movement in the economy, a key manifestation of which was the boom atmosphere in the real estate and stock markets. Everybody start clapping, because we had hope, but at the same time there were tears running down our faces.”. This is not the place to discuss this belief in detail; suffice it to say at this point that this supposed correlation between corruption and underdevelopment and poverty has little basis in fact. Under this scheme, by next year, 2010, all tariffs, except those on rice, will be reduced at 0 to 5 per cent. While the Philippines languished with 1-2 per cent annual growth for most of the Aquino period, our neighbors enjoyed 6 to 10 per cent growth rates. While everyone was enjoying an afternoon cocktail and the sweeping views of old Havana, he seemed somewhere else. By the early years of this decade, the country’s textile industry had shrunk from 200 to less than 10 firms. Whether we like it or not, not only economists but Filipino intellectuals generally look to guidance from abroad, including from critics of the establishment. I turned and told the editor the rumor wasn’t true. In the view of the neoliberals, the key to the success of our neighbors was the hegemony of the market. I told him: "You have any idea how Miami would react if it were true?" They claimed it was the market when in reality it was the state. Despite this, he has produced many results that he set to undertake, much of which are related to economic reform and liberalization. [1]  The crisis was the country’s worst since the Second World War, but the role of neoliberal economics in precipitating it was shrouded by its coinciding with the deep political crisis triggered by the Aquino assassination in August 1983. 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